Wendy Li writes that business leaders must rediscover past unity and put pressure on politicians to defend themselves against the attacks by President Donald Trump against businesses and civil society and prevent democratic retreat.
The last three months have been political mountains for the United States business community. While the Trump administration empties the federal government, attacks universities And law firmsAnd Tongs on its pricing policyWe are in a moment of unprecedented economic uncertainty. But while many have Spoken against pricesThe business world was surprisingly silent on the fundamental threats that the Trump administration has posed on investment, research and development, supply chains and law. Their silence shows that American commercial interests have never been politically weaker.
This may seem counter -intuitive – after all, CEOs surrounded Trump during its inauguration, and business leaders, including technological magnate, investment bankers, crypto lobbyists and oil leaders, have assumed roles through its administration. Companies are delighted with the prospect of tax and deregulation reductions, and have The staff of his lobbying teams in Washington to prove to the Trump administration For other political victories.
But rather than claiming favors, companies approach mercy. It should not be so. There was one day when companies could coordinate, regroup and see beyond their short-term interests. After the Second World War, companies made investments in collective actions by funding industry associations, reflection groups and other policies planning organizations in Washington. Groups such as the Chamber of Commerce, the Round Business Table and the Economic Development Committee have argued for public investment in education and research, have shaped the regulatory agencies and played a decisive role in the training of international economic institutions. Sociologist Mark Mizruchi describes how, In the midst of a strong state, a militancy of the work and the rise of the curators on the right, the corporate elites have positioned themselves as moderate and socially responsible leaders. Trade organizations have pragmaticly supported collective negotiations, social protection programs and even occasional tax increases. These positions may seem like an anathema for the business world now, but they show how by forming a consensus and defending their common interests to the public, the groups of companies were a moderating force in American politics.
What happened? The commercial unit has decreased for more than thirty yearsAnd the researchers highlighted a number of reasons, including a Weakening the work movement,, Changes in banking networksAnd short-termism stimulated by the shareholder Pressures. At the same time, companies have increasingly decided to Go alone to Washington. There are thousands of corporate lobbying organizations, including large vast groups such as the Chamber of Commerce and Groups at industry representing biotechnology companies, retailers, banks, steel companies, oil companies, car manufacturers. If there is an industry, a lobbying group represents it. But more and more, companies now hire their own lobbyists internally or retain advice, lobbying, public relations and law firms for short -term contracts. While in 1979 there was Approximately 650 companies and 2,000 commercial associations using in Washington, by 2012, Corporations spent $ 1.85 billion on lobbying, compared to $ 553 million by professional associations. More recently, in the first quarter of the Trump administration, Lobbying companies on rue Top K have seen overvoltages in lobbying business customers.
In My researchI interviewed dozens of lobbyists in these sectors and organizations. What I hear more and more of them is that more than lobbying decision -makers or other plea groups, they fight with each other.
“Each year, my office has a budget [for business associations]”, A lobbyist for a fortune company 50 shared with me.” And we say, where are we going to play? Because sometimes you want to stay for defensive purposes. To prevent this association from doing things you don't want to do.
Although associations can channel collective interests and give companies political coverage, they must also balance the interests of all their members – the greater the members, the more difficult it is to find a consensus. Rather than making compromises and finding common ground, for associations, the path of the slightest resistance is to remain silent.
Consequently, to influence Washington, companies have increasingly acted unilaterally and discreetly, or through coalitions which represent particular and narrower interests. While companies are disturbing to assess what the additional prices would do to their supply chain, or how the reductions in the universities of the National Institutes of Health and Research would paralyze their R&D pipeline, they turn to individual lobbying companies to seek exemptions and a discretionary mercy. Even the Chamber of Commerce decided against the challenge of Trump's prices in courtinstead Encourage companies to put pressure for exemptions. It is therefore all companies for themselves. Under these conditions, there are no levels of the game or competitive market.
Many, including myself, have described the role of societies in politics, arguing that corporate lobbying Promotes regulatory capture,, increases economic inequalitiesAnd mine democratic commitment. However, many of these corporate lobbying ailments are also linked to the fracturing of business policy and the pursuit of close policies and the search for rents on general interests. What would commercial organizations look like to serve as deliberation sites, consensus construction and collective action again?
In addition to attacks on academic freedom, pluralism and civil freedoms, we risk retreating in the authoritarian regime. It is time for the business world to return to its civic roots and to join the wide movement of workers, civil society organizations, universities, scientists and law firms to defend the rule of law. And there is evidence that this type of commercial mobilization can work. As a political scientist Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt writeWhen civil society and business mobilized together, they managed to repel recent authoritarian threats in Germany and Brazil.
Although the business world is politically fractured, the collective action infrastructure remains. Business leaders can take advantage of their political gifts and demand that the members of the Congress exercise their article I are available to verify the president. Companies can use management positions and membership contributions to industrial associations to articulate shared interests and put pressure for a unified public response. Lobbyists of Porte Tournants who have personal links with administration officials, members of the Congress and other corporate lobbyists can be an effective source of peer pressure.
If they can meet, the business world has the ability to amplify and surround the Trump administration of a resounding reprimand of their authoritarian policies, which threaten not only the American economy, but the life of everyday people and the foundations of American democracy.
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